2013年历史文献学专业博士论文摘要

1、清音流转——清代音乐史学的嬗变与转型

论文作者：黄敏学
导师姓名：黄爱平
培养单位：历史学院清史所
论文名称：清音流转——清代音乐史学的嬗变与转型

    有清一代，学术昌明，清儒好古，考据之风大盛，经学亦随时势之变迁而演为朴学，诸经与音乐史学有关联者极多，故音乐史学的研究在清代亦成为经生副业。伴随着中国古代音乐史学雅俗分流格局的演化，清代音乐史学发展亦呈现出其不拘一格、百家争鸣之态势。受雅俗分流格局之影响，复古与反复古两种思潮的论争作为音乐史家广泛关注的中心议题一直延续到清代。宋学在清初一度大行其道，也一直是清朝统治阶级所提倡的“官学”。康熙帝留心音律，御制《律吕正义》正续编，其孙乾隆帝为之续修的后编，理学名臣李光地辑《古乐经传》，朱子同乡汪烜撰《乐经律吕通解》，都不过是秉承宋儒音乐复古主义思想之遗绪，“世或有得是说而参考以订之者，是亦复古以化民之一助也”。更有甚者，汪烜为达到其“三代之音由是而可复”的目的，居然要求“夫郑卫之音先王不以乱雅乐，而梨园杂剧，恒舞酣歌，败风乱俗，费财生祸，又不止于乱雅乐已也，此盛王之所不可不禁绝者也”，完全无视历史发展潮流，故其复古之迷梦自然也被无情的现实击得粉碎。其后徐养原在《律吕臆说》中探讨了雅乐失传、衰亡和俗乐递兴、繁盛的历史现象，并由此得出“雅俗之分段几希耳，非别有一声调谓之雅乐也”，而“雅乐之比音与郑声之比音大致不殊，将欲因其似以求其真，则吾谓郑声不可废”，因之提出“就俗乐而去其繁声即为雅音”的“因俗变雅”论，较为客观公正地分析了雅俗之乐相互影响、共同演进的发展历程，具有一定的历史进步意义。与此同时，清代音乐史学领域内反复古主义的声音日占上风，毛奇龄在《竟山乐录》中否定各种传统成说，提出“乐器不是乐”、“乐书不是乐”、“乐不分古今”的著名论断，认为“乐者人声也，天下几有人声而亡之之理？自汉后论乐，不解求之声，而纷论错出，人各为说，而乐遂以亡”，“儒者论乐，则又昧先古之意，贵贱雅俗，轇结不解”，“故设为雅俗之辨，欲使知音者勿过尊古，勿过贱今，谓当世之人为今人不为俗人，谓今人之声为人声不为今声，则于斯道有庶几耳。”汉学开山人物之一的江永则更是明确表示“古乐难复，亦无容强复”，认为“古乐之变为新声，亦犹古礼之易为俗习，其势不得不然。”故江永也提出“乐器不必泥古”、“度量权衡不必泥古”、“俗乐可求雅乐”，要求“为雅乐者，必深明乎俗乐之理，而后可求雅乐……未有徒考器数，虚谈声律而能成乐者也。”总之，随着中国古代音乐雅俗分流格局的最终确立和宋代以降民间音乐、戏曲的长足发展，“追复古乐而禁淫声”已不过是一班食古不化的“音乐理论家”的黄粱迷梦而已，“若不察乎流变之理，而欲高言复古……岂所谓知时识势者哉”，民间音乐的繁荣和宫廷雅乐的式微已是不可逆转的历史趋势。虽然晚清时期陈澧站在“调和汉宋”的立场上试图兴复古乐以挽救当时社会危机，但亦是回天乏力，徒劳无益。中国传统音乐史学的一抹余晖，也便在这卷地风来忽吹散的西学浪潮中，走到其历史尽头，并在西乐东渐的时代背景下悄然进行着从量变到质变的准备，迎来其体系化、学科化的现代转型。就在中国传统音乐史学内部自身递兴嬗变的同时，西乐东渐的影响已日渐凸显，并成为中国音乐史学现代转型的外在刺激因素。明末清初利玛窦来华的主要目的在于传播基督教，音乐同他传入的西方科技知识一样，只是作为其“适应性传教策略”的一种手段而已。不过，作为中西文化交流的使者与先驱，利氏在中西音乐交流史上也是彪炳青史，贡献颇丰，他把欧洲最有代表性的基督教加以中国化改造之后传入中国宫廷与内地，把西方流行的古钢琴和管风琴传入宫禁和民间，大大开阔了国人的音乐视野，丰富了中国传统音乐，使中西方音乐文化得以沟通与融合。同时，他以书信和札记的形式将中国音乐概貌性地介绍到欧洲，使西方世界对中国音乐开始有所认识。更重要的是，利玛窦历经艰辛探索出的“适应性传教策略”，闯出了一条中西方文化交流与比较的新路，使其后继者更为便利地融汇中西，互通有无，将西方乐理知识和作曲技法作用于中国传统音乐，为中西交汇下中国音乐史学的现代转型起到筚路蓝缕之功。自明季利玛窦等人传入西乐理论及乐器后不久，西洋音乐便在这块古老广袤的文明古国中生根开花、枝繁叶茂。明清易代后，清圣祖康熙帝作为一位具有雄才大略的英主，勤奋好学、知识渊博，十分重视学习西方先进科学技术，拜传教士为师，广泛涉猎西方文化，开设蒙养斋，培养了一批学贯中西的科学人才，组织编纂了包含大量西方科学知识的《律历渊源》，为引进和推广西学做出了一定贡献。对于西洋音乐，康熙帝也是兴趣不减，并身体力行，亲自主持编纂融汇中西乐理于一炉的乐学理论著作《律吕正义》正续编，亦开利用西方乐理改造中国传统乐学之先河，并在白晋等传教士的推动下进一步完善“西学中源”论，为西乐输入中国寻求历史渊源与理论依据。与此同时，中国传统音乐也被传教士译介给西方世界，在一定程度上改变了西方学者的东方音乐观，为“文化相对主义”和比较音乐学的产生提供了理论依据。因此，中西交汇下中国音乐史学现代转型之外在因素中也包括了中国传统乐学论著被传教士译介到西方后，在西方学术思想的作用与影响下改编为西方规范性汉学著作，并在其后的文化交流过程中，又被前往欧洲求知的中国留学生们结合西方音乐史的材料，加以“二度创作”，并被作为中国新式音乐史著的写作范例重新回归故国，在中国音乐史学现代转型过程中起到一种“文化反哺”作用。晚清时期，随着西乐的大量输入和以学堂乐歌为先导的新音乐蔚然秀起，兴复古乐的呼声日趋微弱，“乐者古以平心论”之类的复古主义论调和“西乐中源”说已为强弩之末，代之以输入西乐、改造国乐的“中国音乐改良说”和以西乐为主，改造中乐，创造新音乐的进步主张。1903年发表的匪石所撰《中国音乐改良说》则为中国音乐史学的现代转型奠定了理论基础，自该文始，中国音乐走上了一条全新的发展道路，一条全新的音乐转型之路——“吾对于音乐改良问题，而不得不出一改弦更张之辞，则曰：西乐哉，西乐哉”。 新音乐的曙光随着西乐的输入和旧乐的改造逐渐显现，中国音乐在西乐的推动下一扫千年之沉疴，师法西乐，变革自新，芟繁剔芜，返朴归真，遂成吾国今日音乐之崭新面貌。音乐文化的革故鼎新势必引起音乐史学的递兴嬗变，中国传统音乐史学也正是在这一历史潮流的推动下走向终结，迎来其现代化的转型与革新。本文绪论提出问题，并对本课题的研究现状予以述评，进而提出该课题的研究方法，建构研究框架；上编为传统音乐史学在清代的嬗变与更化，为中国音乐史学现代转型的内在动力研究；下编为西乐东渐背景下的迎拒与选择，为中国音乐史学现代转型的外在影响研究，同时从社会变革背景下对清代音乐史学嬗变与转型的过程予以探研，进而总结出中国音乐史学现代化的特征及其历史趋势。

    Chinese musicology is the academic study of traditional Chinese music. This discipline has a very long history. The concept of music yue stands among the oldest categories of Chinese thought, however, in the known sources it does not receive more or less clear definition until the Book of Music (partly preserved as the Classic of music). The learning in Qing Dynasty was very activities and presented a splendid sight in the history of Chinese ancient, some scholars paid attention to the part of theory on musical history. This thesis discussed the development of the theory of musical history in Qing Dynasty on the both aspects of music aesthetics and musical temperament. The theory and practice of music, especially that derived from Confucian philosophy, are extensively discussed in Chinese historical works, classical writings, musical treatises and private memoirs. The writing of dynastic histories began in the 1st century, mostly compiled during the dynasty immediately following by official historians who based their information on chronicles and other writings from previous regime; large-scale quotations from extant works were often incorporated verbatim in the histories. This thesis studies the theory of musical history in Qing Dynasty. The Qing rulers (1644–1911) were Manchurians, but far from marginalizing Han culture they appropriated and promoted it alongside their own. As a result, Chinese music continued to develop along a course that had been set since the Song dynasty, while collecting distinctively Qing characteristics. Like its predecessors, the Qing court performed Confucian state sacrificial music, sang songs from the Shijing and instituted elaborate programmes of banquet music. Similarly, the élite continued its love of Kunqu operas, qin music and other ‘refined’ genres, while the common people continued to produce folk and popular songs, narrating stories with a fixed sequence of melodies (fig.7), and celebrating ritual as well as daily activities with music of gongs, drums and wind instruments. What separates the musical worlds of Ming and Qing China is neither a marked shift of genres nor a fundamental change in aesthetics, but modifications in repertories, styles and structures. For instance, during the Qing, the Kunqiang and Yiyang qiang styles competed to dominate music theatre. With the tremendous success of Changsheng dian (‘Palace of Eternal Youth’) by Hong Sheng (1645–1704) and Daohuashan (‘Peach Flower Fan’) by Kong Shangren (1648–1718), Kunqiang dominated the literary and musical world of the early Qing. Nevertheless, by the mid-Qing, Kunqiang was deemed too refined by the general audience, and a variety of regional operatic styles emerged to claim leadership. Yangzhou, a city famous for its entertainment quarters, became a site where refined and vernacular musics competed for audiences' attention. Nevertheless, it was in the capital, Beijing, that artistic prominence could be definitively established: no genre could become nationally successful without the patronage of the court and the scholar-officials. Beijing opera originated in the local theatre of Anhui province, an indirect descendant of Yiyang qiang; a prototype of the genre reached Beijing in 1790, featuring a form known as banqiang ti, music that is constructed with a limited number of melodies and rhythmic procedures that are set to lyrics of fixed phrase structure and diverse verbal meanings. Beijing opera soon evolved into a sophisticated performance art and dominated music theatre: the banqiang ti form appeals with its straightforward music intelligibility, in which a maximum of expressiveness is achieved with a minimum of musical material. What also separates Ming and Qing is the amount of notated music they have bequeathed to posterity. Musical notation was known and used in Ming China; documents such as the Wenlin jubao wanquan xinluo (Comprehensive collection of scattered treasures for scholars) of 1600 leaves no doubt that the late Ming used gongche notation, the predominant form found in Qing sources. Little Ming notation has been preserved, however. The wealth of Qing notation is easily explained by factors such as its temporal proximity with contemporary China, the Qing tradition of empirical scholarship, imperial efforts to collect and organize all kinds of documents and knowledge, and changing perceptions of musical works. After the mid-Qing, notation also seems to have begun to assume a more significant role in the transmission of music, especially that of the upper classes; much of commoners’ music was transmitted orally until recent decades. Given the tenacious continuity found in the histories of many genres of traditional Chinese music, and given that most historical scores were produced by musicians who performed the music they notated, Qing notated sources evidently involve much more than music of their own times. Indeed, most seem to include traces of pre-Qing music that is otherwise lost, preserving genres that had been orally transmitted long before the Qing. Most extensive of such scores is the Jiugong dacheng nanbeici gongpu (Comprehensive anthology of texts and notation of Southern and Northern arias in nine modes) of 1746, a gigantic collection in 81 fascicles. Preserving the notated music of 2094 labelled melodies and their variants from numerous operas, it is now the largest single source of operatic arias once sung in Yuan, Ming and Qing China (fig.8a). The Taigu quanzong (Arias from ancient times) of 1749 preserves not only operatic music of the early Qing but also pipa arias from the late Ming. Ye Tang's 1792 collection of Kunqu arias, the Nashuying qupu, preserves the melodies he composed for singing many Ming and Qing dramatic texts, including the four ‘dream’ operas of Tang Xianzu, one of the most influential playwrights in Chinese history. Ye Tang's collection is also valuable because his compositions and style of singing Kunqu arias have been indirectly but continuously transmitted to the present; the Kunqu music of Yu Zhenfei, one of the most respected singer-actors of 20th-century China, can trace its lineage to Ye Tang's music. Xie Yuanhuai's Cuijin cipu (Notated register of ci songs) of 1847 represents Qing scholar-musicians' historical understanding of ci music of Song dynasty China and attempts to reconstruct and perform it. As to instrumental scores, Rong Zhai's unique Xiansuo beikao of 1814 notates the heterophonic music of a string ensemble. Rong Zhai confirmed that his score notates traditional music that he learnt orally, affirming that music notated often predates the time when the notation is produced. Hua Qiuping's pipa score of 1818 includes a repertory of 58 pieces, some of which, such as the Shimian maifu (‘Ambush from All Sides’) and Yue'er gao (‘The Moon on High’), had long been traditional favourites and remain so today. The maturity of the notation used in the anthology attests to the historical roots of the music and its transmission. The first European to reach China with a musical instrument was Jesuit priest Matteo Ricci who presented a Harpsichord to the Lee imperial court in 1601, and trained four eunuchs to play it. As the Qing dynasty collapsed in 1911, two millennia of imperial rule came to an end. Nevertheless, the traditions bequeathed from imperial times did not cease. Many operatic and instrumental genres flourished with new aesthetics and innovatory practices, while some more conservative genres such as ritual music and the qin were authentically maintained by intellectual and regional communities. The New Culture Movement of the 1910s and 1920s evoked a great deal of lasting interest in Western music. A number of Chinese musicians returned from studying abroad to perform Western classical music, composing work hits on Western musical notation system. The Kuomintang tried to sponsor modern music adoptions via the Shanghai Conservatory of Music despite the ongoing political crisis. Twentieth-century cultural philosophers like Xiao Youmei, Cai Yuanpei, Feng Zikai and Wang Guangqi wanted to see Chinese music adopted to the best standard possible. There were many different opinions regarding the best standard.